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Archive for January, 2007

Going in Circles: Vietnam, Iraq, calls for Impeachment

January 19, 2007 2:03 am

An Article by Steve Hammons By

Steve Hammons

The recent passing of former President Gerald Ford reminds us of the idea that, in sometimes unusual ways, events in life seem to move in circles and patterns.

Ford entered the presidency when U.S. involvement in Vietnam was deemed a lost cause and when the American people and Congress demanded an end to the bloodshed.

With a steady hand, Ford facilitated the final withdrawal.

Prior to this stage in the Vietnam War, some U.S. officials kept thinking that if they just added more troops, there would be “victory” and “success.” After more than 58,000 U.S. military deaths and many more wounded, maimed and damaged veterans, the war seemed to be going worse than ever.

The deaths of and injury to innocent Vietnamese civilians, of course, far exceeded even this tragic number of U.S. casualties.

CIRCLES OF WAR

As the futility of the Vietnam effort became obvious, a stepped-up training program for then-South Vietnam’s military was implemented by President Richard Nixon. U.S. troops would hand over more responsibility and bases to them under the plan called “Vietnamization.”

How similar this all is to the situation we face in Iraq now.

In Vietnam and Iraq, we tried to occupy a country that posed minimal threat to the U.S. We waged a counterinsurgency effort against adequately skilled, motivated and well-supplied fighters who did not want us occupying their land. We tried to prop up a weak and corrupt foreign government that we had helped install.

The circle has come around again in frightening and depressing ways, complete with thousands of U.S. troops and innocent civilians (including children) dead and horribly injured, war profiteers getting rich and America’s reputation in the world severely damaged.

We also have a U.S. administration, like the Nixon administration, that has lost the trust of most of the people, the Congress and strikes many as being out of touch with reality and dangerous.

Now, as in the days when Nixon was leaving the presidency and Ford assumed office, the Congress is trying to take responsibility to resolve a difficult and poorly thought-out war of choice, waged in an apparently incompetent way.

IMPEACHMENT, PARDON, FAMILIAR FACES

Ford found himself as president after Nixon resigned in the face of impeachment due to reasonable suspicion and probable cause that he may have committed high crimes and misdemeanors.

Nixon’s vice president, Spiro Agnew had previously been removed due to criminal charges.

Those who advocate impeachment of George W. Bush, and immediate criminal charges against Dick Cheney in the CIA agent leak case or for other matters, might remember what the outcome of that earlier situation was: Ford granted a full pardon for any crimes Nixon might be indicted, convicted or sentenced for.

Nixon would probably have faced significant criminal and civil legal actions upon leaving office if not for Ford’s pardon.

Current White House officials may face the same kinds of legal actions when they leave office, and these could be more significant a consequence than impeachment.

Premature action now could result in pardons.

Another interesting circle is the fact that Ford helped usher Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld into executive branch power.

These two men have been in the middle of the planning for and conduct of the Iraq War, including the questionable motivation and intelligence manipulations that triggered the invasion and facilitated the highly problematic occupation.

Rumsfeld has repeatedly been compared to former Defense Secretary Robert McNamara. McNamara micromanaged the Vietnam War and listened to think tank and bureaucratic armchair warriors instead of seasoned military professionals. He resigned as the Vietnam War soured. Rumsfeld did the same recently.

BREAKING CYCLES, NEW PATHS

These troubling circles show us, again, that we must be ever watchful of the abuses of power in government and the desire of so many for war profits.

Equally dangerous and disturbed is the need by some people for vain and false glory, gratification and power from warmongering and sending others to their deaths and severe injury. These are the chicken hawks, and they are dangerous.

Maybe one day we can break the cycle of these tragic and repeated mistakes and patterns. Maybe we can find more advanced ways to conduct national affairs and international human activities.

Maybe American officials, honorable warriors, citizens from all walks of life and people around the world will step forward and adopt new ways of understanding the paths we must take to create a better world.

Because these circles can be a spiral of destruction for America, humanity and our Earth if not handled intelligently.

And because we have the chance for a much brighter future, for ourselves and future generations, if we break these damaging patterns and create new circles of positive human development.

Then, maybe sooner than we think, we may recognize the hopeful and even wonderful opportunities and discoveries that are within reach.

A Hail Mary Legacy for Bush: Adoption of the Metric System

January 18, 2007 12:05 pm

An Article by

Ben Tanosborn

ben@tanosborn.com

www.tanosborn.com

A Hail Mary Legacy for Bush: Adoption of the Metric System

Now, we are told, NASA will use the metric system on its next lunar mission. Good for NASA! ‘been decades since we were told that the nation was committed to join the rest of the world in adopting metric standards; but inertia set in - just like it has in just about anything and everything else from energy diversification and conservation to education. Just one more thing we ‘done since our last national victory in 1969: landing a man on the moon. One guesses such triumph was interpreted by Americans, those governing as well as those governed, as good enough to last a millennium or two.

But it wasn’t, not by a long shot. And our attitude that if the world can learn “to speak American,” they can also learn to measure things in inches, pints, ounces and the rest� will not serve us well, taking away the option to excel, or even be competitive; installing instead the option of military power as our equalizer.

Besides, the changeover to a world standard was seen not only taxing our minds but our resources as well. The cost factor was passed on as the great barrier, the ultimate excuse for a combination of laziness and stupidity without precedent. You want a poster boy? How about the collection of little-minds who have ran the US automotive industry from Detroit? And please don’t blame it on the unions or the current health care costs. the problem being kilometers deeper than that, starting in the 70’s.

So the marketplace can take care of all problems, eh? Believe that cliche and consider yourself thoroughly brainwashed. And we certainly have been. As long as greed is part of ‘makeup, society - usually in the form of government - needs to intervene.

The last time I took a count as to what nations comprised the coalition-of-the-willing against adopting the metric system� we stood out tall and alone, holding Liberia with our right hand and Old Burma with our left. Stupid spectacle, you say? You bet!

So here is the perfect opportunity for George W. Bush to create a positive legacy for his presidency by letting Liberia and Myanmar fend for themselves. After six years worth of film-footage playing the new millennium Keystone Cops, putting an all-out effort during the next two years to accept liters, meters, kilograms, centigrade temperatures, and hectares, will truly be historic, taking us away from living in the past. And if treated with the same level of effort, the same passion and political fervor, as that given to the war on terror, it could really happen. At least adopting the metric system will be both economically and symbolically a good thing for Americans, in contrast to the present fear-mongering war on terror that has been only politically motivated� and a disaster on every front.

And who knows, maybe changing to the metric system will enlighten our government to change its foreign policy as well. After all, different standards of measurement consistent with world peace and conviviality are needed in that realm as well.

Bush Junior would be extremely foolish to miss this last opportunity for a positive legacy for his presidency. If he replaces the urge to surge, which translates into extending the conflict in Iraq so there is no D-I Day (Defeat in Iraq) during his watch, with something as mild as the unequivocal adoption of the metric system, there might be a last opportunity for him to avoid graduating at the tail end of the presidential class. Where Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush Padre, and Clinton have failed - this president could personally carve a small niche of success. Up to now, Bush’s presidency has shown us that Justice is indeed blind: a lack of brains that is balanced by a lack of heart. But most Americans would rather believe that their president is neither uncompassionate, nor mentally-handicapped.

Somehow, changing to the metric system seems to have a higher meaning, a higher purpose. If we are able to go metric, perhaps we’ll also be able to join the rest of the world in peaceful coexistence; and cease to be an arrogant bully, and become a helpful big brother; or, at least, a respected neighbor.

For almost fifty years our standard for conducting wars has been dismally inaccurate, and our nation would be well served to bury that standard once and for all. Instead, let’s show common sense, and bring on the metric system - instead of Iran and Syria. And, this time, let’s not keep it optional.

But only the Decider can decide what kind of legacy he wants to bequeath America. It’s in his hands, or in his heart, since the Democratic Party is acting as if castrated unable to speak for the American people, in one strong voice, in a counter-mandate to war.

Copyright 2007 Ben Tanosborn

www.tanosborn.com

(Revised and more Readable): Introduction to study of Web facilitated communications and their Sociopolitical Possibilities

January 14, 2007 2:33 pm

Episteme 2.0

A study in the sociology of mass media and the sociology of social movements; both directed upon the emerging venue of mass communications, referenced as the World Wide Web, explor­ing the transformation of sociopolitical possibilities engendered by the proliferation of a represen­tational space that is largely free from institutional gate-keeping devices and a means of publicity that is easily accessible and obtainable by a vastly greater proportion of the population

Forward to Episteme 2.0

Abstract

The forward of the document will outline the scope of the study - including the relationships of the research to preexisting literature, also devoted to the subjects referenced in the content matter herein. In short, the executive summary will serve as a type of abstract. However, since the doc­ument object, abstract, is typically not included in the contents of manuscripts that purport to be more than articles, the deployment of the artifice, forward, is more appropriate in this context; a document object that entails many of the same significations; however, it allows for greater flexi­bility when it comes to the duration and specificity of the content.

Scope and Objectives

This document expresses an assessment of the prospects for the Human Condition in the emerging epoch termed by Castells as the Network Society. The study is not a foray into futurism; nor, does the document constitute a relapse into the absolutism1 of historicism, and the ideological dogma that it inspires. The document and its flow of contents explores a field of diverse possibilities that are hypothesized to exist and reside in the current social configuration - which, of course, is a material and ideological formation that has connections to the past; a pro­cess that currently instantiates a field of potential trajectories that, presumably, can be actualize through the way we orient and posture ourselves in the present in order to react and contend with the contingencies arising from our historical situated-ness; thus shaping the unfolding of the future in the most informed and equipped manner, according to the aesthetics2 most desirable.

Operational Context

For the purposes of this meta-brief - emanating from and referring back onto - the document at hand, I shall attempt to reduce the complexities, which can be derived from a thorough analysis of the current transformations that are refitting society, into two contrasting - although inter-related - patterns embodying thematic qualities; one, which I interpret positively; and, one which I interpret negatively.

Most salient to any considerations concerning the material conditions that are instantiated by the emergence of the Network Society and - to be more precise, referring to the circumstances found in American social formations - are the alterations in the economic institutions forming the rela­tionships between those who dictate the terms of employment and those who are obliged to acquiesce to those terms when procuring employment. The changes undergoing the form assumed by the relationships between firms and employees are significant to the point where is compelled to reconsider the analytics typically attached to the conception of elements - as the concept has been generally understood in the context of industrial capitalism. It is not a stretch to suggest that employment is a term that should be discontinued as a reference to the non-stan­dard terms of employment suffered by skilled laborers in the Informational economy. The socio-grammatical conventions forming the family resemblance of economic institutions that have been spawned by the material conditions in which agents and the aggregates - that they collectively form -who find themselves situated in the information economy - embody characteristics, render­ing them qualitatively unique exemplars of sociality. Therefore, the referring expression, virtual employment, will be used as a designator, when signifying instances of this social phenomenon, hence forth.

In order to provide definition to virtual employment, some extended remarks are necessary: The current economic condition - informational capitalism - in its most rudimentary dimensions, instantiates an input to output dynamic that has diverged from the traditional, industrial capitalist relational function, which assumed the form of raw materials transformed into commodities. The information economy - in opposition - can be understood - in the most generic of terms - as a mode of production that involves the input of information and the output of reorganized informa­tion; a construct, which can be referred to - for the sake of clarity - as knowledge. It is important, here, to mark a distinction between organization and reorganization, because the former applies to previous designs that exist prior to the latter’s inculcation.

In order to begin to understand this - what is the most basic of representations corresponding to the processes involved in informational capitalism - the precise nature of the function embedded within this relation needs further specification: Reorganization is a transformation that differs from the concrete functions found in industrial capitalism, constituting the mechanisms included in the operations performed upon the input - raw materials - in the sequences involved in the modes of production. The reorganization of information into a form of knowledge involves a transformation that cannot be routinized into the machinery of production - unless one is to reduce the available vocabulary to strictly materialist terminology - because the invention of the mode production qualifies as the production, itself. Therefore, keeping with the distinction declared between infor­mation and knowledge, as soon as knowledge has been produced, through the function implied in the input - output relationship of informational capitalism, the reorganized information - which has been transformed into knowledge - is reintegrated into the process as the input variable, and - once again - assumes the form of information. Consequentially, by definition, the mode of pro­duction cannot be mechanized because it would lack the properties qualifying as the connotative definition of production, as it is defined in the processes of informational capitalism; namely, the innovation of reorganized information; a definition that excludes standardized procedures, because such mechanics would entail the absence of innovation.

Stepping back from what has been analytically deposited thus far, some relationships between firms and the labor that firms employ become transparent: The modes of production can be understood as the persistent reorganization of the processes embedded in the modes of produc­tion, which constitutes the mode of production, per se; consequently, exacerbating the pace of de-skilling - a term that extends, most generally, to developments that render employees obso­lete - which creates volatility in the employer market. It should also be mentioned that the reorga­nization of data additionally includes the implementation of new grammatical schema deployed for purposes of structuring the classifications of document elements; the attributes of the docu­ment elements; and the possible values that the attributes can instantiate under varying - (although defined) - circumstances; because the procedure of implementing a new form of infor­mation technology necessitates the reorganization of the work flow processes utilized by an organization; thus, such a retrofitting constitutes the reorganization of information; specifically, the information - as it is defined and comes to be defined - within the work flow of the restructured social organization.

Returning to considerations conducted upon the nature of the relationships among firms and the labor they hirer, the conditions necessitating the augmentation of new labor become transient, reflecting the events in an organization’s state of affairs, where it must transition its ordering of information in order to reflect the evolving conditions of information technology. Therefore, the skills that are acquired when augmenting the labor capacities of the firm, as it transitions to a new state of information management.

In order to explain this theme through comparison, one can reference the present trends in Infor­mation Technology management, which now relies heavily on the implementation of virtual com­puting environments, in order to test software compatibility and to leverage available resources performed within spaces of productivity - that demand no institutional restructuring and fail to entail any necessary legacies, which might be incurred if the firm had originally adopted the workers as actual members of the institution; a relationship with the significance of manifesting all of the traditional definitions of expectations and obligations associated with employment.

The more sanguine of the two contrasting themes is the intellectual product of postmodern social theory - as well as, Castells, who might not necessarily fit within this rubric - who have argued for the acknowledgment of an emerging social condition resulting from the proliferation of digitally encoded communicative technologies - the virtual spaces of representation they entail - and the existential freedom to stylize one’s persona provided for within the digital matrix from which virtu­alism manifest - subsidiaries to Informationalism can be summarized under the slogan, re-enchantment.

The allusion to Weber, in this context, is appropriate, since there there is an empirically contingent subject to processes of confirmation juncture between two states that can be marked as qualitatively distinct from one another, through reference to the following contrasting characteristics: First off, the emphasis placed upon innovation - or creativity - calls for organizational environments structured according to flexibility, allowing for production to occur when inspiration precipitates insight, leading to innovation; a state that offer definition to production in the context of informational capitalism. Industrialism, on the other hand, prioritizes scheduling and efficiency, providing for the synchronization of events - performed by machines and their human appendages. Industrial Capitalism required the orderly sequencing of events in order to successfully enact it processes constituting the modes of pro­duction. Such an organization calls for the regimentation of social activity reflecting a synchronous layout of stages included in the operations through which output was generated.

It is too soon to fully address this topic in the context of the document object - executive summary - belonging to the document structure. Nevertheless, since the reference - to which the following brief remarks point - is transparently ostensible, it can be mentioned, without too much disrup­tion, that the flow of time in the Informational Economy instantiates different schematic qualities. In fact, the flow of time can be bannered under: an asynchronous dimension to the relations among digital objects and the relationships they intermediate during interactions among social counterparts. This state of affairs, in the of electronic interchange, through which transactions occur, exchanging information, need not be sequential, and, therefore, the forms of reciprocity that transpire can include objects that are not defined by any linear processed ordering of events. In other words, communications can address data objects in a recursive fashion; an aspect of the distant immediacy that characterizes the flow of events that occur in the virtual spaces engendered by the expansion of Internet infrastructures; or, what can be referred to, using Castells’ terminology, as Informationalism; the technological paradigm related to a pattern of productivity that is defined by exemplars constituting digitized communications.

Returning to the persona that is cultivated and constructed agents assuming a presence within the milieu of the digital matrix - a social object that can be Self stylized in the context of virtual interactions with greater plasticity, options, and allowance of revisions - the existential liberties attributable to the digital matrix are related to the condition in which interactions take place: The digital matrix instantiates a field of agents that interact with one another in a disembodied state. As a result, the physical attributes that entail ascription to a particular social identity are - often in the digital matrix - stripped from the communicative affair, allowing agents to bend their identities and play in the engagements while assuming the identity and role of statuses that they might be barred from in real - according to the traditional sense - interactions. One might liken this hyper-reality to the condition that is typically referred to - in the context of social theory - as carnival.

Associated with the breakdown of social barriers in the spaces, constituting virtual reality, is the more recent development typically designated as Web 2.0. Now is not the place to elaborate in dept upon this complicated empirical phenomenon and the properties that should be extrapo­lated for instances of Web 2.0 when constructing a corresponding analytic. However, with respect to its relevancy to the state of carnival attributed to many virtual spaces of interaction, it should be remarked that Web 2.0 similarly negates many of the semiotic devices - extant in real spaces - whose conventional interpretation by social agents leads to the labeling of ascribed - although sometimes assumed - social identities. In the context of the interactions occurring within instances of Web 2.0, the negation of many real cultural attributes results in a leveling of the stratifications that mark real social processes of knowledge production. Web 2.0 - the most rec­ognizable exemplar of which is probably the popular Wikipedia - democratize the production of knowledge, rendering the representational spaces in which externalizations of proposed versions of knowledge find publicity.

The emergence of the episteme, Web 2.0, signifies an area of considerable concern for the anal­ysis expressed in this document, due to the possibilities it incurs for sociopolitical movements that have been traditionally marginalized, preventing insurgents challenging the duopoly of the legitimate American sociopolitical infrastructure from achieving only the most modest forms of success. The existing literature pertaining to this topic is sparse. However, two references to sociological subject matters - incidentally related to the problem described in the earlier proposi­tions forming this paragraph - are worthy of mention and will be treated somewhat extensively in the chapters and sections that follow: The agricultural reform movement of the latter part of the 19th Century - referred to as the People’s Party, or Populist Party - achieved substantial reforms; mostly consisting of democratizing more directly some of the electoral processes on a Constitu­tional level. Most significantly, the movement brought about the popular election of Senators.

More germane to the interests of this paper, however, are the unconventional tactics employed - to certain extents - by the movement in order to actualize some of the conditions defined by its teleology. The formation of collectivities in response to the inaccessibility of capital - a circum­stance attributed to the Gold Standard3 of currency evaluation, which had consequences for farmers, preventing them access to necessary sources insurance against the risks involved in the production of agricultural commodities. Specifically, the inclusion of this historical narrative contributes to a theme that appears to be emerging in the sociology of social movements, which has taken a detour from the stock of knowledge - comprising its long established conventional wisdom, which presumed the success of social movements to be the consequent of antecedents including the networking resources though which the movement could affect the decision-making of elites responsible for the formation and administration of public policy - in order to come to terms with developments in Latin America. Although the abandonment of the macro-oriented pol­icy strategies characterizing the neoliberal ideology of global consortium, such as the World Monetary Fund, in pursuit of local, organic initiatives certainly is a recognizable factor operative in the dynamics culminating into the mass electoral mobilization, which lead to the usurpations of legitimate sociolopolitical power by populist socialist movements in Latin America, the ability of the successful social movements to opportunize off of the Social Capital produced by activism conducted at the local level - identically - cannot be ignored4. The social movements - and this might be considered an attribute belonging to the connotative definition expressed in the sociological analytics of social movements - of course, were not social formations with the degrees of institutionalization needed to qualify them as organizations - in the sociological sense of the word - although they certainly did and continue to possess a form of organization - rather, the associations5 among agents contributing to these movements constitute - if anything - instances of networking, which, in these instances, transcended nation-states and their geo­graphical parameters.

In terms of this document, what is of primary significance, is the scope of the extension of the refitted understanding of the conditions that can lead to the success of social movements that lack the networking resources with elites who assume positions of authority in the sociopolitical structures of the legitimate apparatuses of a state. Specifically, in the context of the American state, do the virtual spaces - allowing for the formation of virtual communities - similarly generate the Social Capital necessary to spawn the degree of social mobilization necessary for populist insurrections to achieve success; a state defined by the actualization of the conditions defined in the social movement’s teleology.

The problem, as defined in this document, is relevant to the current activities typically referred to as Net-roots Activism6; a form of networking conducted through the communicative possibilities precipitated by the growth of Informationalism.

Strategy Employed

The problem - can third party sociopolitical movements in the United State exploit the current transformations taking place and reorganizing the representational spaces available for obtaining the publicity associated with mass media - is addressed through empirical studies, con­sisting of ethnographic field research conducted upon two instances of third party sociopolitical movements: a state Green Party in the Midwest and the Populist Party of America, (located, as a headquarters, in Las Angeles California). Both cases involved what has come to be referred to as virtual ethnography.

Tactics

Although the methodological specification of ethnographic research was originally conceived as grounded theory, the immersion in the virtual spaces of the Internet and their state of disembod­ied communications, led to the adoption of exploratory testing, which has been taken up by oth­ers involved in the investigation of this relatively new area of sociological research.

Deliverables

Review and comparison of these two empirical subject domains has led to insights concerning the fertility of virtual communities for the cultivation of Social Capital. Additionally - through my participation in the Populist Party of America, which evolved into a commitment where I was responsible for consultation on organizational matters pertaining to communicative strategies intended for the advancement of the Populist Party’s agenda - I have been afforded the opportu­nity to test hypotheses concerning the successful application of the communicative devices pro­vided by Internet infrastructures.

A New Kind of Populist

January 9, 2007 4:43 pm

Jon Tester: A New Kind of Populist

By Joshua Frank
AlterNet
Sunday 17 December 2006

http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/121706E.shtml

He’s not exactly the type of Democrat you’d be likely to see backslapping New York City fat cats on their way into an elaborate fund raiser for Hillary Clinton. In fact, Jon Tester, the senator-elect from Montana, isn’t your typical Democrat. He’s almost not a Democrat at all, or at least not the kind we’re used to seeing run around Washington these days. In fact Tester ran his campaign against Senator Conrad Burns (R-Mont.) on just that platform. He was tired of the scandals and dishonesty that engulf our national politics and professed that the polluted Beltway could use a little Montana house cleanin’. Voters agreed, and Burns, who had ties to the now incarcerated power broker Jack Abramoff, was defeated in one of the tightest races in state history.

A State Senator and organic farmer by trade, Jon operates his family’s homestead just outside Big Sandy in northern Montana where the winter chills can chatter your teeth as early as mid-September. When I say he’s not really even a Democrat, that may be a bit of an understatement. Tester is essentially an NRA approved neo-populist with libertarian tendencies who wants to immediately redeploy troops from Iraq as well as repeal the PATRIOT Act. And although nobody would consider Tester an anti-globalization activist, his position on international trade is more in line with the protesters who shut down Seattle in 1999 than with the Democratic Leadership Council.

On a recent Meet the Press broadcast Tester even addressed the most evaded issue in national politics: Poverty. “There’s no more middle class,” he confessed to Tim Russert, “the working poor aren’t even being addressed. Those are the people who brought us here [to Congress] and they need to be empowered. It’s time to show them attention … We have to use policy to help that situation.”

In a debate last September, Sen. Conrad Burns attempted to paint Tester as weak on terror. “We cannot afford another 9/11,” Burns chided. “I can tell you that right now, he [Tester] wants to weaken the PATRIOT Act.” To which Tester countered, “Let me be clear. I don’t want to weaken the PATRIOT Act. I want to get rid of it.”

Tester built his campaign from the ground up, shunning support from nationally known Democrats like John Kerry and Hillary Clinton, as he knew they’d rub Montanans the wrong way. Instead, the nearly 300 pound farmer who lost three fingers in a meat grinding accident as a child, drove around the state so he could chat face-to-face with his potential constituents.

Fortunately for Tester, he’s used to bucking the system. His first foray with the Washington Consensus came in 1998 when he ran for the Montana legislature because he was outraged over the huge energy hikes that had resulted from the state’s deregulation of the power industry. And he’s been speaking out against policies that pit working folks against the corporate class ever since. That’s why he supports renewable energies and a livable minimum wage.

Still, Tester isn’t the perfect politician. While he may remain strong on many issues, he is a bit wishy-washy on a few social justice concerns, such as the death penalty and gay rights. Nevertheless, Tester’s campaign and personal appeal may serve as a winning blueprint for left-leaning populists out here in the Interior West. Indeed Brian Schweitzer used the exact formula to become Governor of Montana two years ago.

We should keep an eye on the senator-to-be when he takes office next month. If Jon Tester shuns the corporate wing of the Democratic Party, and truly speaks for the people of Montana, he could have a profound effect on our national discourse. Not to mention the way business is done in Washington.